Showing posts with label Culture. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Culture. Show all posts

Monday, August 4, 2008

Bijlmermeer: Defining Public Spaces

Researching Public Spaces: Streets, Pavement, Sidewalks & Parks



Our final morning lecture, given by Dr. Leon Deben, senior university lecturer and associate professor of sociology and anthropology at UvA and part of the research team "Urban Geographies and Social Interactions".



What is public space?



Public space is defined as "space that is not privately owned and cannot be claimed by one person, or group of persons, exclusively," according to Dr. Deben, it is "a reflection of how a society is organized." You do not need to obtain permission to enter this space, spend time there, conduct business, &c. Day or night, man or woman, you are free to use this space as you choose.



Semi-public spaces are just that, 'semi-public', they are do not afford the same freedoms as a truly public space, but they are certainly a part of the public domain. They are characterized by time restraints, membership requirements perhaps, tacit (or perhaps not) rules governing behavior and conduct. Shopping Malls, therefore, will forever remain semi-public.



Three Domains of Space



The private domain is the home; characterized by the intimate interactions of a specific group/individuals, a freedom of behavior, attitude and ideas not available elsewhere. Interaction with strangers is extremely limited.



The next step out is the parochial domain, or the neighborhood; a familiar community network of friends and family, the people you ride the tram with to work every morning, the baristas at the cafe on the corner. Interactions with the unfamiliar occurs, but there is some sense of ownership and pride in this space, you have some vague idea of who belongs or who doesn't.



Of course the public domain is a realm of strangers; while locations are largely familiar, the sea of faces endlessly shifts and changes.



Diversity and Freedom



“In a village, when you look out the window, you are looking in the mirror. In the city, when you look out the window, you see the world."



By forced meetings (in public spaces), tolerance becomes a part of everyday life, developed more and more each day. It is impossible to exist in a city environment, interacting (if only briefly and superficially) with individuals from every walk of life on a daily basis, and remain intolerant. It may not always be the most pleasant experience, but if you were to remain completely intolerant, you would either never leave your house or leave the city and move to a gated community where you never have to see anyone outside of your fixed social stratum and environment.



Theoretical Perspective: Erving Goffman



Dr. Erving Goffman: former president of the American Sociological Association and professor of sociology at the University of Chicago, University of California - Berkeley and University of Pennsylvania. He was awarded Doctor of Hebrew literature/language from the University of Chicago and Doctor of Laws from University of Manitoba, a Guggenheim Fellowship (1977-78), In Medias Res (International Communication Award, 1978) and the Mead-Cooley Award (social psychology life achievement award, 1983).



Dr. Goffman developed the idea of "symbolic interactionism" which focuses on the constructive, creative aspect of human behavior: not passive, but based on interpretations of the environment. He stresses the strategic, calculating aspects of social interaction. Sees the world as backstage (your language/vernacular) and main stage; in each situation there is a seen and unseen component. Backstage is the difference in behavior in public spaces versus private spaces; how you behave at home versus how you behave in Dam Square. Backstage is more informal and familiar; the 'true you' so to speak. You conduct yourself differently in the privacy of your own thoughts and home than you would in a shopping centre or public park. Dr. Goffman also notes the "anonymous privacy" afforded by public spaces and the concept of "civil-inattention and nonpersons", you don’t see the homeless or the crazy pigeon lady, you turn away. If you give everyone attention, you will not be able to walk through the city, or keep your sanity.



Territories of the self applied in research of the public area and domain

Used Space

The Turn

The Sheath - the skin that covers the body, the clothes that cover the skin

Possessional territory - purses, bags, umbrellas

Personal Space

The Stall - establishing your space. Setting a bag on the chair next to you on the tram to prevent intrusion of others into your perceived 'bubble'

Information Reserve - things that are always present, even in public, but are still unknown to others. The contents of your pockets, for example.

Conversational Reserve



Privatizing Public Spaces: Symbolic Transformations



According to Dr. Lyn Lofland, a student of Dr. Goffman and research professor of sociology at University of California - Davis, you cannot cope with thousands of strangers, you must develop strategies for existence and survival. By reducing the complexities of an anonymous life and by turning public spaces into a private place, so as to avoid this ‘world of strangers’. By knowing a city, by filling in our mental maps, we become more comfortable with the city/world around us. Privatizing public space is an individual act; a locational transformation to avoid the world of strangers.



Home Territories are places where you are among your compatriots. A piece of public space that is taken over by people who want to maximize encounters with the personally-known. A “home away from home”, which makes the urban world safer and easier. Invites "host-like" behavior towards strangers.



1. Casual knowledge (customer)

2. Familiar knowledge (patron)

3. Intimate knowledge (residents)

4. Public Space knowledge (colonizers)



The customer has a casual knowledge of a place, looks at it as somewhere to meet friends, to see and be seen. The Patron has familiar knowledge based on a regular relationship; a privileged link with employees, which also contributes to the spatial segregation of strangers. Upperclassmen always know new students, and there is some discrimination based not on socio-economics, but sheerly on the amount of time you have spent in a space or set of spaces. Residents know everything via permanent relationship; can recognize strangers. An alteration which transforms a world of strangers into ‘home’.

Finally, colonizers turn public spaces into home; a ‘full-time job’ for seeking private purposes. An action which depends on the approval of other people and authorities; unlike the privatization of public space, which is an individual action, this is a group act.



Villages



The Urban Village is a personal world in urban anonymity, based on solidarity and/or security. The Concentrated Village (neighborhood) a mix of unity and autonomy which remains fictional. A way for inhabitants to avoid the adaptations to the ‘world of strangers’; an extreme example is a gated community. 10-15 million people in the United States live in gated communities, turning their backs on society; an anachronism in our cosmopolitan world.



Amsterdam is an important mix of all of these spaces and territories: there are 80-85,000 residents in the city itself, and on any given day between 80-100,000 people living and working in the 8 square km of the city.



Now, onto Bijlmer and a short history lesson...



Bijlmermeer



History:

1622 - Reclamation of Bijlmer lake

1672 - Marshy polder flooded

1678 - Drained again

1702 - Flooded during a storm

1825 - Drained again

1846 - Owned by Weesperkarspel

1960 - Cooperation with Amsterdam. To realize housing plans (to combat post WWII housing shortage), began discussions on building up Bijlmermeer.



Bijlmer was designed to be a "Functional Town": a town in which living, working, traffic and recreation are separated (like old German industrial town) The Bijlmer was designed by Le Corbusier and based on his "Voisin Plan" for Paris (1925). He founded CIAM, in 1928, and invited 28 European architects to join this international congress for the design of modern architecture. In 1934, they wrote the Charter of Athens (1942) which dictated the planning of new cities based on the proceedings of CIAM meetings from 1933-1941. While the Bijlmer project was conceived in the 1930s, it was not realized until the 1960s.



The Potential Plan

High-rise Apartment Blocks (8 floors/each)

18,000 apartment units, 13,000 in the High-rise

Deck access apartment blocks

Honeycomb Pattern

Large green spaces in between



The Effective Plan

Budget Cuts

Remained incomplete

The "covered street" or raised highway was set at 1st floor-height

Storage at the Ground Floor (a bad thing; must have watching eyes on street level to reduce crime)

Number of floors was increased (10/11 stories)

Number of lifts decreased

Galleries were too long

Cavernous spaces in car parks; from day one, they were not used properly because there was a fee. Residents removed the gates and parked for free, only to find their wheels missing the next morning.

Subway realized later; initially it was a bus system connecting Bijlmermeer to the city.



Reasons for failure

Too expensive; the idea was to build the Bijlmermeer, and then be able to renovate the 19th C girdle of the city. Never happened.

Unsafe carparks.

Insufficient shops/retail locations

A menacing atmosphere in the public area: because all of the highways were elevated, underneath them, these cavernous spaces were no-go areas at night and are the ultimate in sketch.

Nuisance in the Blocks

Rapid Turn Over

Faulty Social Structure; in a way, this became the place where, if you could not get a home in Amsterdam proper, you moved to Bijlmermeer.



Further problems caused by external forces

National policy created ‘overspill towns’

Slower population growth than anticipated,

Relatively high rent throughout the country,

Combined with this situation: negative residential climate around the Blocks, too many units left empty,

Fewer families living in the blocks (single parents, partners without children, individuals)



1975 Surinam (Dutch Guyana) gained its independence, and these immigrants like to live in the same communities, this filled the empty Bijlmermeer.



1992 El Al freighter crashed into one of the apartment blocks; unfortunately, there were so many illegals living in the area that the actual death toll is unknown. There is a memorial erected in Bijlmerpark to commemorate this tragedy.



Census of Resident Participation:

25% liked the High Rise Blocks

25% wanted to leave

25% wanted the Bijlmermeer to be renovated



Buildings have been torn down and rebuilt, others renovated, others still remain unchanged. The campaign for a new Biljmer: clean, whole and safe: restoring the quality of life.



Population:

Surinamese - 25,000

Antillians - 4,500

Turkish/Moroccan - 2,000

Non-Westerdn - 16,500

Dutch - 22,500

Western Origin - 6,500

-----

Total: 77,500



The Bijlmer Renewal Project



To be completed by 2010, the Bijlmer Renewal is hailed as the "Society of Tomorrow" and anticipated to increase the population in Amsterdam Zuidoost (southeast) from 77,500 to 90,000. They'll be removing the raised highways, renovating or rebuilding the remaining apartment blocks from the 1960s, and have renovated the extremely sketchy metro station (now a clean, aesthetically-pleasing, contemporary structure of glass and steel). They will also be constructing a new music dome and entertainment center with hotels, shopping, a discotech/club, and 3D/IMAX cineplex, in hopes of turning Bijlmer into Amsterdam's new center for the arts and entertainment.















Religion is extremely important to residents of Bijlmer; while there is no official church, all of the protestants (the majority of the inhabitants) attend services and whatnot in a shared building, where all communities peacefully coexist. Bijlmer, too, is the largest employment center in Amsterdam, filled with skyscrapers: the symbol of modern industry.



A few of us hung around Bijlmer for a few hours and explored the city center before returning to Amsterdam proper where a few of us went out for dinner and re-explored the city at dusk.

Thursday, July 31, 2008

Dutch Drug Policy: The Iron Fist in the Velvet Glove

Let's recap yesterday: after our lecture with Dr. Hamdy, we took the tram for the first time and headed out to a Turkish mosque were he had a fabulous lunch, intriguing lecture on Islam and its place in the Netherlands/Dutch culture. We spent a few hours eating, listening, and discussing and were able to sit in on the afternoon worship. It was not much different than Israel, but the carpet was definitely nicer :) We came back and had a nice evening together, just hanging around outside the dorms.

Drug Use and Drug Policy in the Netherlands: Goodbye to the Dutch Approach
Justus Uitermark ; ASSR, University van Amsterdam

Gedogen: refers to selective enforcement. It is not simply allowing or tolerating illicit behavior. In the case of drugs, there is a comprehensive framework that regulates production, trade and consumption. This also applies to euthanasia, previously to abortion. Gedogen does not ignore illicit behavior; it recognizes it but does not enforce prohibitive laws unless there are negative social consequences.

Origins of the Dutch Approach
Commissions advised against prohibition in the early 1970s; commissions recognized that youth are using cannabis, but it is not very dangerous or addictive and can be easily regulated without being prohibited.

In the 1907s, the pillarized system was falling apart. Established parties feard an intergenerational conflict. Youth were no longer identifying as protestant or catholic, they were much more ambiguous. The elite members of these parties felt that if they outlawed cannabis, it would only alienate the youth even more.

Selective law enforcement - the expediency principle: laws are not enforced when there would be negative social consequences. In the US, law enforcement is not just a means, it is an end in and of itself. We uphold the law for the sake of upholding the law. In the Netherlands, laws are viewed as a means to an end, and sometimes, the best outcome is actually achieved by not enforcing certain laws.

If you prohibit drug use, drugs in and of themselves become intrinsically ‘bad’. However, harm reduction laws are not aimed at reducing or preventing use, but at reducing the harm caused by ab/use.

Theoretical and political considerations

Drugs have been with us for a long time, but repression is recent. Why can’t we live with them? Historically, literature on the subject notes that drugs have not been uncommon and have been, if not celebrated, a major social currency.

Self-regulation is a core principle in harm reduction laws. If you have the power to manage your consumption, the state has no legitimate claim for interference.

Civil society tries to prevent harm, the state facilitates. The state does not initiate interference - it takes facilitative action, not directly repressive action against citizens (only against producers, traders of ‘hard’ drugs i.e. cocaine). In prohibitionist regimes, the state is the most important.

Legalization and professionalization of use, in combination with the welfare state, prevents the formation of a stigmatized group of users. Most drug users would be students or individuals who are well established in the community. Unlike the US, it is recognized that these marginalized groups (homeless, poor people) of users are only a small part of the user population.

Specific Drug Policies in Amsterdam

Amsterdam is unique in the Netherlands for its number of coffee shops. Most municipalities do not have such businesses and do not want them.

Cannabis/Marijuana

Timeline:
1970s - hardly regulated; incidental and arbitrary.

1980s-90s - coffee shop regime developed. Rules: strict separation between hard drugs (cocaine, ecstasy, heroin) and soft drugs (cannabis), meaning that hard drugs and soft drugs should not be sold in the same place because it validates the ‘gateway theory’;no advertisements; no selling to youth (legally 18, in practice 21) because they do not want to accidentally sell marijuana to minors, they have chosen of their own volition to raise the entry age to 21, not enforceable by law; limited amount

2000s -

‘Die out’ policy: because there are such strict regulations, every once in a while a coffee shop will be closed (for 3 weeks) and if they are repeat offenders, they will be permanently closed, however, they will not issue new permits for another coffee shop.

Commercialization of coffee shops: highly professional organizations making huge profits off chain coffee shops, in the 1990s there were 500 coffee shops, there are now only 250 - however, the demand remains the same, so now coffee shops are able to make a much greater profit.

Slight increase in repression (no alcohol, hard drugs) - the separation between hard/soft drugs has existed since the beginning, but it is now a strictly enforced regulation. This is now more of a tool used by political parties to bother coffee shops and show that they are against coffee shops. The Prime Minister (CDA) and the Minister of Internal Affairs (CDA) both wish to close coffee shops completely; this is unlikely, however, because of all of the opposition. Beginning 1 July, the EU stipulates that working environments must remain smoke-free; employees should not exposed to smoke. However, coffee shops tried to find an exemption from this regulation because smoking is such an inherent part of their business.

From the very beginning, it has been recognized that alcohol and weed should not be mixed, that’s why coffee shops sold marijuana and hashish, not bars.

Ecstasy

Timeline:
Late 1980s - hardly any drug regulation, drug not really known beyond small circle.

1990 - ecstasy banned because of international pressure. Policymakers actually admitted that they did not agree with the ban but they did not want to provide further fodder for critics/opposition. The government, however, did nothing to inform the public that ecstasy was illegal.

Early 1990s - subculture grows. Civil society associations respond with education to (prospective) users. At a party, you could test the pill that was sold to you to see if it was actually ecstasy, or if it contained anything else. It was a type of informed consent program: the pill you have is dangerous, don’t take it or the pill you have is genuine ecstasy, but read this pamphlet on its dangers. Pill testing developed to the point that pills wold be tested in labs, identified and cataloged. If pills were determined to be too dangerous, the media would inform the public. Even producers began seeking out labs to have batches tested to make sure they would not be a danger to society. All funded by the state.

Mid 1990s - fully developed care regime. Health care in the center; marginal police presence nd supportive. COMPLETE opposite of US policies (RAVE [reducing Americans vulnerability to ecstasy] legislation). There were regulations put in place stipulating that parties must have quiet rooms, sufficient water for guests, so that should anything go wrong, you would be in a relatively safe place.

Late 1990s - strong pressure from US, especially because of high production. In the US, if you got to a party, the party-organizer is responsible for the drug use of party-goers; even handing out free water was seen as encouraging drug use. The US pressured the Netherlands to change drug policies regarding ecstasy;

Early 2000s - conservative wind, growing repression.

Late 2000s - care regime dissolved. Repressive approach, even in Amsterdam.

Mushrooms

Timeline:
1980s - not regulated.

Early 1990s - growing numbers of smart shops (herbal supplements). Trade was highly regulated and professionalized: pamphlets distributed at purchase with information.

Late 1990s - trade expands beyond smart shops; to tourist locations.

2000s - Many incidents, exclusively involving tourists. After the death of an 18 year old French girl who jumped off the NEMO while on mushroom, her parents attacked the Netherlands drug policies.

2008 - Mushrooms in the process of being banned.

Ironically, the prevalence of drug use (across the board) in the US is significantly less than in the Netherlands.

Wednesday, July 30, 2008

Radical Islam in the Netherlands

Well. The Prostitution Information Center (PIC) was inexplicably closed yesterday, so we hung out in the Red Light (RL) district for a few hours, got a little lost, played with latex sailor suits and furry handcuffs, then parted towards separate dorms. Clint, Dylan and I grabbed dinner at a tiny but fab Indian restaurant in the RL district and had another intriguing conversation on group dynamics and interactions, in general. Very interesting. Anyway, today we're discussing Islam in the Netherlands and taking public transportation to a mosque where we will be having lunch.

Radicalism and Extremism: Islam in the Netherlands

Our guest professor, Dr. Atef Hamdy, born and educated in Egypt, finished his graduate work at UvA; he is culturally proficient in Dutch, Coptic (Christian-Egyptian Orthodox) and Islamic cultures. He identifies the conflict as "A cultural gap, that must be bridged, between Westerners and Easterners, not Westerners and Muslims." His research is on the left-wing political/socio-economic criticism of radical Islam in the Netherlands as a "campaign against Islam and Muslims" which will only contribute to the marginalization of this community.

He defines Radicalization as "a process in reaction to a specific context (perceived as negative/a threat). He distinguishes between fundamentalism and radicalism, claiming that fundamentalism is society oriented, whereas radicalism is society and state oriented. There are nine steps of radicalization, the last three steps of which are create an environment for violence and are classified as extremism, which is forbidden by Dutch (post 11-September). Extremism is rooted in the perception that you, your family, or your community are being marginalized; that you are in a bad context, losing your identity, culture, values, becoming corrupt &c; losing your religion. He notes that this process occurs in a sort of 'vacuum of migrant communities' because they are somewhat isolated, culturally and/or physically, and there is no external interaction, discovery or information being exchanged. The chance of radicalization will develop is exponentially increased in isolated contexts. If you are interacting with your Dutch neighbors on a regular basis, you realize that they are not 'out to get you', they are not discriminating against you - they have, in fact, supported you.

Nine Steps of Radicalization/Extremism

1. Perception of a threat, negative context; that your community is being marginalized

2. Holding someone responsible for this negative context: Dutch politicians, the USA as a corrupt superpower

3. Holding your own religious political figures responsible for this marginalization

4. Islamization - yourself, community, state, country & world

5. Religion becomes the center of your life; it has permeated every facet of your existence

6. Having seen this context, felt this perceived marginalization, forcing someone to choose sides:

- This is the defining moment where radicalization (which is legal) becomes extremism (forbidden)

7. Extremism occurs whenever an individual withdraws from society into the perceived 'utopia' of Islam, strictly applying this context to everyday life.

- Selective reading/understanding: searching the Qur'an for buzz words like jihad, which is Arabic for 'to strive' or 'to struggle'

- Empty use of concepts; but only seeing one interpretation (the negative, polemic, violent interpretation)

8. Speaking in terms of 'you against us'; waging war on the enemy

- We are right, we are moral, we are following the only real religion. Double morality is also present: I cannot steal because I am a good Muslim, but I can steal from the amoral and corrupt nonbelievers. I cannot have a boyfriend because I am Muslim, but if he is a nonbeliever, I can use him.

- Hate speech: go and (begin jihad/claim our rights by force) in (this place) against (these people)

9. Choosing undemocratic means (violence/force) to implement the utopia/ideology, freedom from marginalization. Declaring
war against those who oppose you, 'cleansing your community' of those who cooperated with the enemy (the state)

Th-th-that's all folks! We're headed off to a Turkish Mosque at the moment and then heading back for a relaxing evening in de Dam!

Tuesday, July 29, 2008

Sex Work and the Netherlands

On the docket for today we have a lecture from Petra Timmermans, and then a walking tour including the Prostitution Information Centre, Dam Square and the Royal Palace.

The Netherlands Regulation of the Sex Industry

Petra Timmermans, coordinator of an umbrella agency to provide rights to sex works in the EU. While prostitution is decriminalized/legalized in Holland, Germany, Hungary, three states in Australia, and New Zealand, however some form regulations exist in all of these countries. In most (former)commonwealth countries (Canada, the United Kingdom), there are no laws prohibiting prostitution, there are laws against solicitation and using a space for prostitution. In the 1980s the laws changed to criminalize not only the prostitutes but also their clients. In the United States even, while prostitution is only legal in Nevada and Rhode Island, there are strip clubs and escort service centers in almost every city, which are licensed by the state. So even though prostitution is largely illegal in the U.S., it is still quasi-regulated by the state. Almost every country has at least one group advocating for the rights of sex workers, an international movement begun in the 1970s.

Why Amsterdam?
The most explicit link is probably Amsterdam's history as a port city; historically, industrial, military, and maritime areas have a higher incidence of prostitution due to opportunity. Before welfare came into existence, poor women who needed to support their families would be forced to seek work in the domestic sector, textile industry and sex work. In 1911 profiting from the earnings of prostitution (brothels) were made illegal; it is interesting to note that while brothels were criminalized, prostitution itself has never been illegal in the Netherlands. However, these laws were only enforced by police on a pick-and-choose basis; throughout the history of the sex industry, it is not uncommon for sex workers to pay the local police (and/or politicians) to prevent violence, rape or arrest. In the 1940s, there was a growing tolerance towards visibility and gender presence in public spaces. That is, women were more and more able to leave their homes unaccompanied. Feminism began to take hold, and while prostitution was common in the backroom, then the front room, behind closed curtains where they would just flip the curtain back and tap on the window as a potential client would pass by, still fully clad from head to toe - perhaps showing a little more wrist or ankle. Slowly, the curtain began to open a little more and a little more, and the clothes began to shrink until you have the present day Red Light district where you see girls in bikinis dancing in just off the street.

In the 1960s and '70s, what is now the Red Light district was an extremely poor area of town, and everyone wanted to clean up the area. Here, discussions on legal reform were initiated to provide legitimacy to sex workers and basic rights they have historically been denied. In the 1980s the sex workers movement really began to take hold, including lobbying to change laws criminalizing aspects of the sex industry. In 2000 the 1911 brothel ban was abolished in hopes of being able to better manage and regulate the exploitation of prostitutes and punishable offenses. Forced prostitution, sex/human trafficking, and the prostitution of minors all remain to be addressed.

The Rules
All sex businesses must be licensed by the local municipality (renewable every three years, non-transferrable) that means that the city has the right to say "No, we have too many businesses" or "It's too close to a school,". In fact, no where in the Netherlands has a new sex business license been issued since 2000. Sex work is still very heavily regulated; only EU citizens may legally work in the sex industry (this is true in Germany as well) largely due to EU labor laws; must be over 18 years of age.

Pimping by force, coercion or deceit, trafficking across the border, brothel owners cannot force sex workers to go with anyone or do anything they do not want to do, and employing minors are all under criminal law, and the sentences have been increased for these crimes. However, just because rights are awarded to sex workers, or any group or industry, unless the individual stands up for their own rights, it is as if they do not exist at all. Unlike the United States, clients are not de facto criminalized except in the case of paying a minor for services.

Changes Since 2000
Approximately one-third of the businesses have closed in the past eight years, including a decrease in street prostitution and there is a more open debate regarding sex work as a labour industry. Policing and control have increased, as well as taxation, and there is an absolute intolerance for non-EU migrants.

Link between sex work and fashion

Last year the city of Amsterdam purchased 55 buildings from a former prostitution baron. He walked away with €25,000,000 and the city has thus far transformed 16 of these spaces into design studios, which have been awarded to young designers - free of rent for the first year. Ironically, the neighbors are displeased with the semi-bourgeoisie newcomers and city's decision to clean up the area, because the area thrives on its sketchy reputation and conditions.

Monday, July 28, 2008

Let the games begin!

Our first formal meeting began at 09:30 this morning in the C building. The classroom space is very modern and clean-cut, a somewhat significant change from the rest of the city. Clifford and Jessica gave us a bit of an introduction and Mirjam Schieveld of the Universiteit van Amsterdam (UvA) went over our schedule and provided a more formal orientation, including a lecture entitled "Introduction to the Netherlands"

After a few days of roaming around the city, I have several notes on Dutch culture. First, the Netherlands is an extremely densely populated country; this is noticably manifest in all of the sandwiched "townhouses" lining every street. While in the city itself, the street level is packed with retail shops, restaurants and cafes, the second through fifth or sixth stories are all apartments. Interestingly, while there is a housing shortage in the areas surrounding Amsterdam, most of these apartments remain empty; at present, the government is trying to find a way to defer the housing crisis by filling these apartments. It is interesting to note, too,that all of the houses and buildings lean in on each other because, like old Seattle, the city is built on a swamp buy pounding in wooden stakes (approximately similar to telephone poles) upon which the city stands.

The Dutch: liberal and tolerant or controlling?

Mirjam Schieveld, professor at the Universiteit van Amsterdam, developed this thesis: the Dutch regulate tolerance to exercise control.

The Dutch people are "pragmatic" (a term which they frequently use, and as Mirjam notes almost over-use, to describe themselves) which leads to forced tolerance, which in turn eventually leads to condonation. Cooperation is a necessity and the composition of the population requires a consensus (poldermodel). For centuries the Netherlands has been a mercantile country (remember the Dutch East India Company?) which historically empowers the merchants moreso than most other countries.

Sex, drugs and... gay marriage?:
Principle socio-cultural differences between the United States and the Netherlands (as a function of legislation)

The legality of sex work, soft drugs and gay marriage. Two main points to keep in mind: the Dutch pride themselves on their pragmatism but also the idea of compassion instead of punishment. While sex work is legal in the Netherlands, this does not mean that it has social/societal approval. Just because it is not criminalized as it is in the United States does not mean that it is a fully accepted practice or profession. The emphasis is on work, prostitution is seen as a necessity: the oldest profession in the world (another example of Dutch pragmatism). There are main concerns for the population (both for prostitution and soft drugs): abuse of minors and public nuisance. With such a densely populated country, most Dutch laws are to "keep the peace" and prevent/reduce any public disturbances.

Finally, while gay marriage is legal here (in the Netherlands), it is a purely secular practice. This, to me, is the fundamental issue in the United States: it seems to me that US citizens are unable to separate civil marriage from holy matrimony. I'm not about to dictate your religious practices or comment on your spirituality, and while I feel that same-sex couples should be granted the same legal rights as heterosexual couples, maybe that's just my pragmatism speaking. If gay couples are going to exist anyway, why discriminate against an unavoidable situation? By not legalizing gay marriage, we are not preventing homosexuality or preventing the formation of same-sex couples; not providing basic rights is not preventative, so how can you justify this type of legal discrimination?

The whole legal issue surrounding soft drugs originated in the 1970s and they certainly provide a health/medical issue. Drugs are seen as a reality: people are going to use them, so do not criminalize them. The original goal of this legislation was to separate the worlds of 'normal use' and criminality. A lot of people are able to use (soft) drugs without becoming addicted, and of course, coffeeshops pay specific taxes for operation. While it is legal for coffeeshops to have up to 500g of cannabis on the premises, and only able to sell 5g per customer, it is illegal to grow marijuana. While seven plantations are shut down every day, seven more are opened. If the local government wants to enforce the law, they can do so (the iron fist in the velvet glove), it looks liberal and tolerant, but is actually a highly controlled and regulated practice. This applies not only to the drug policies, but also policies concerning sexwork.

We watched this video from 2006, which is a song written by (and featuring) the may of Amsterdam, Gerd Leers (of the Christian [protestant] Democratic Party), about the Netherlands drug culture:


Heideroosjes feat. Gerd Leers "Da's Toch Dope Man!"

He sings: "A coffeeshop can sell, but where it comes from, no one knows. You can smoke it, but you can't grow it, that's odd, how can you distribute something that doesn't exist?" He also specifically says: "Legalisation to Control"

The Minister of Justice, Piet Hein Donner, also a Christian Democrat, responded to Gerd Leers clip with one of his own:


"De Don" Piet Hein Donner

While I'm terribly amused by these innovative forms of propaganda, I'm almost embarrassed on behalf of the Dutch Parliament. Who can take these public officials seriously if they are rapping on YouTube?

Netherlands Politics:
In the 1960s the Netherlands underwent a very sudden and very fast depillarization and secularization of the government. The current government is a pariliamentary democracy and constitutional monarchy. This means that while the monarch (at present, Queen Beatrix) is head of state and has considerable constitutional power, this has mostly fallen into a ceremonial role. This is not to say Queen Bea has no control: she acts as the neutral party to determine the composition of the cabinet and to moderate between the parties. The major parliamentary players are: the CDA (Christian Democratic Party), the PvdA (Dutch Labour Party), the SP (Socialist Party) and the VVD (People's Party for Freedom and Democracy) which are centre/right liberals who advocate both private enterprise and public welfare. Hmm...

We closed out our lecture oriented portion of the day with a nice lunch, and a trip over to ARCAM: architectuurcentrum amsterdam, an independent architectural centre for the city of Amsterdam. We received an exceptional lecture on the history of Amsterdam and its architecture, from 1200CE to present. As you may know, the entire "province" of Holland is below sea level (which prompted Al Gore to predict in "An Inconvenient Truth" that the Netherlands will be completely underwater in 2015-2025) but what you may not know is that the Netherlands is composed of 12 provinces, of which Holland (technically a combination of two provinces: North and South Holland) holds the three most important cities: Amsterdam, Rotterdam and the Hague. Amsterdam is the capitol and largest city (but, ironically, is not the capitol of North Holland), Rotterdam (the lowest point in the country at 7m below sea level) is the largest and most important European port (both historically and at present) and the Hague which is the parliamentary seat.

We spent the next few hours touring Amsterdam with Dick Weeda, our temporary tour guide. For more details, see my inaugural entry in the Amsterdam 2008 Daily Video Blog.

Saturday, July 26, 2008

"Touchdown turnaround..."

Note: all times are Amsterdam Local Time (Seattle +9 hours), so while the time stamp tells you when I wrote the post in Amsterdam, it will not be posted until the corresponding time in Seattle (nine hours later)

Mimi, Katherine, Fiona and I flew out together on the 12:55p Northwest direct flight from Seattle to Amsterdam. Direct flights are always a double-edged sword: it's wonderful in that you're not traveling for quite as long, or dealing with potentially missing connections and being stranded, but at the same time, you're stuck on the same plane for 14+ hours with a very limited range of motion. We landed in Amsterdam at 07:18 local time (22:18 Seattle time), took the train to Amsterdam Centraal station (a 12 mile journey), bought our train tickets for our weekend in Paris and parted ways. Fiona took a second train to get to her dorm on Prinsengracht, overlooking a canal, and Mimi, Katherine and I took a taxi to our dorm, on Prins Hendrikkade, which was only about a mile from the station, but almost an insurmountable distance with our luggage.

The three dormitories on Prins Hendrikkade are composed of three buildings surrounding a courtyard: the C building, where our classrooms are located and two A buildings (A1-32 and A-33-75) where Mimi and Jessica are staying, and the A building where Katherine, Clint and I are staying. The C building are split-level apartments with a bathroom, kitchenette (including mini-fridge, sink and gas stovetop) and bedroom on the bottom, then a second bedroom in the smaller loft space above the kitchen and bathroom, overlooking the second bedroom and ten foot windows facing the courtyard. The A building is also composed of two-person apartments: a bedroom facing the courtyard (like mine and Katherine's) with blue marmoleum flooring and a bright blue railed-off door opening to the courtyard below, a kitchenette and bathroom, and a second bedroom in the back.

Katherine and I ran around for a bit, found Dam Square (but not the grocery store), came back, took a nap and met up with some of the group and went out for dinner, drinks and exploring. Dam Square is monumental and absolutely bustling! Because of Amsterdam's fluid reputation and the time of year, there are throngs of tourists in the area. Dam Square is filled with street performers, gawking tourists (complete with over-sized fluorescent Hawaiian shirts and cameras hanging from their necks) and no less than three McDonalds' (in addition to a Burger King and KFC) We wandered around the side streets and alleys around Dam Square, filled with little cafes, coffeeshops, kebab and felafel stands and of course, my favorite European culinary phenomenon: Chipsy King, a fastfood chain that specializes in french fries. Served in a paper cone and 8 different kinds of sauces including garlic mayo, thai peanut, red curry and of course, ketchup.

Monday, June 2, 2008

In Short...

A summary of my project, thus far-

The Exterior as Interior:
public space in amsterdam

Investigating Form and Function:

Objective: Determine the role and/or purpose of public spaces in Amsterdam. In what ways does the exterior function in the same way as the interior?

Context: While the United States is sadly devoid of public squares, open markets and other public, exterior (architectural) spaces that have a social component or function, Amsterdam is not. These spaces, despite their nature as exterior, outdoor spaces, function in much the same as interior spaces. These are the spaces where we meet friends to "hang out" in and around shopping malls, I am interested in finding the Dutch equivalent of these spaces, as manifested in public squares, markets and plazas.

Conceptual Framework:

Following Mieke Bal in “Telling, Showing, Showing Off”

- Connecting Culture and Space
- How the design / form of a space affect its cultural role / function

While I have been sitting atop the proverbial fence for some weeks now in regard to incorporating Benjamin and the Arcades project, I have ultimately decided that while I will keep it in the forefront of my mind, I do not think I will formally include it in my framework at this point. Of course, once I cross the Meridian, all bets are off.

Methodology:

Observation
- a la Jacobs: detect clues to the nature of activity in a space and the level of intensity
- observe the use of space, noting relationship between form and function, design and culture
- is there an aspect of a space that is ineffective, misused or under-used?

Survey
- Brief, informal surveys (positive/negative)
- Ex. Do you often visit this space? Why/Why this space over another? What makes this space unique? Would you change anything about this space? Why/Not?

Th-th-th-that's all folks!

Monday, May 19, 2008

FOaM

Fashion, Objectivity and Mythology.


Roland Barthes was born in Cherbough, Manche, Lower Normandy, France
He is a semiotician
He studies semiotics
Semiotics is the studies of signs and their interpretation
Signs are a combination of the signifier and the signified
He died in Paris in 1980
He was run over by a milk truck.


Language is the grander structure; a tool of human communication. Speech is individual; it is written, spoken, screamed, etc.

Signs, as I mentioned, are the relationship between the signifier (Sr) and the signified (Sd):
Sr / Sd


In my previous post, I described physical appearance (primarily, my clothing) from third person (limited) and first person perspectives; but in describing myself in the third person, I wondered: can anyone ever be objective? About anything? I look at myself in the mirror, and I describe my appearance based on how I would describe someone else, but I can only describe anyone, anything, anywhere, the world at large, in one way: as I see it. And I see it from my own unique perspective on the world, based on my worldview, my past and present experiences, thoughts, observations. Even in describing something as simple as an outfit, can anyone be objective? Get outside themselves and speak? I don't think so. Because if you are not speaking as yourself, not thinking as yourself, not describing acting feeling as yourself, who are you? Who are you impersonating if none of us can get escape ourselves? I experience through the lens of my worldview; so do you, so does your mother, your brother, your sister, your friend, your boss and your gardener. So if I am attempting to be objective and get away from myself, to view the world without bias or pretension, exactly whose worldview am I assuming?

In discussing research: how does ones provide objective (or authentic/impartial) data? If authenticity is allowing that which you are speaking about, to speak for itself as much as possible; it grants integrity. How does authenticity (objectivity) apply to the interpretation/inference of data? If viewing authenticity as an extension or component and integrity, which implies ethics, then it can be, at the very least, suggested. However, if you try and remove integrity, ethics and morality, you are left with two seemingly separate worlds; authentic and impartial data collection may imply but does not propose or create authentic or impartial results. This is the nature of interpretation.

Sunday, May 18, 2008

"Who is that girl I see staring straight back at me?"

Entering a cafe, your eyes alight on a petite brunette standing a few feet back from the register. Her curling hair reaches just beyond her shoulders, glowing gently in the soft lighting, the color reminiscent of espresso, streaked perhaps, with caramel. Perhaps these analogies are only present because of circumstances, but whatever the case, these associations seem to fit. Tucked into her hair a pair of plastic, unbranded Jackie-O style sunglasses perch atop her head, catching the light as she turns her head. As she reaches up to tuck a stray curl behind her ear, you note small glowing pearl earrings studding her ears. She is wearing a sky blue polo shirt, collar laying flat against her shoulders, neither tight nor baggy. Like many, she is dressed for the newfound summer weather in a pale-wash jean skirt, coming to halfway between her hip and knee, definitely not qualified as long, but not fashionably short, either. You note her well-manicured nails adorned with a pale shimmering pink polish and, following the line of her pale untanned legs, you note matching polish on her toes and slightly worn brown leather sandals, not quite flipflops but not any other high-fashion style either. Overall, her appearance is on the preppy side, all of her clothes of a simple, classic style that borders on elegance - if such is possible with jeans and cotton. She could fit in almost anywhere: on campus, on the street, at the beach, in a cafe, driving with the top down.

I am a creature of comfort. While I give care to my appearance (I style my hair every day, I put on makeup, etc.) I don't get dressed every morning with the express purpose of looking good at all costs. I make sure that all of my clothes look good on me (if they don't look good I get rid of them), and I wear whatever is most comfortable knowing that I at least look decent. However, my hair, make-up and clothing are all carefully composed to look natural. My makeup is all natural tones, bronzes, browns, neutrals and transparent shades; denim is a staple of my wardrobe, and I hardly wear t-shirts, choosing instead polo shirts, though more often another type of semi-fashionable blouse or shirt. I take care, too, to always seem... put together. If my hair won't cooperate - not necessarily achieving perfection - I'll put it up. If my nail polish is starting to crack and peel, I'll either take it off or reapply instead of walking around with fragmented color, however unnoticeable or minor. My personal style, which frequently deviates from mainstream, leans towards casual, understated elegance. Pearls, jeans, polos - brands are not a necessity, but these timeless styles seem to find their way into my wardrobe.

Tuesday, May 13, 2008

I've been framed!

The Exterior as Interior: How are specific functions of a space defined in design? Specifically, how do you create the sense of being inside, when out?

The framework I'd like to use for my research is from one of the latest articles I've read, one that I have absolutely fallen in love with: Telling, Showing, Showing Off by Mieke Bal; she explicitly discusses space and how it is used, how to changed the connotation of a space by specific elements and/or the way in which a feature is presented and explained. I feel like this framework would fit best for my very physical and spatial project. While the Arcades project may appear to be the most appropriate, and this may turn out to be the case, Bal's writing had much more of an impact on me. On the flip side, I still harbor an absolute infatuation with de Certeau, and I would like to work in both the notion of the synecdoche and urban semiotics. Further, how these spaces actually exist and the relation to arcades. Too many frameworks, too little time.

Having chosen Bal's article and principles as my framework, the next step was methodology. Likely, I'll be using both 'close reading' of an environment (much like de Certeau) but also Zeisel's observation methods inasmuch as both acting as removed observer and participant observer as well, though likely steering clear of examining traces.

Sunday, May 11, 2008

Questions From the Audience

I found both of Mieke Bal's articles Telling, Showing, Showing Off and "Tradition" from her book Traveling Concepts in the Humanities: A Rough Guide incredibly interesting. It is not often the museum is examined in and of itself, nor the catharsis that results from the embrace of tradition in cultures drowning in history.

Telling, Showing, Showing Off:

In this article, Bal discusses the 'metamuseum', this concept that not only are museums preserves for whatever topic upon which they focus, but also act to preserve the museum itself; museums also exist to preserve themselves. She goes on to discuss not only the construction of the museum, but the motivation for the creation of the museum: the difference between 19th century colonialism and the 20th century focus on education. In this she notes that Donna Haraway has already criticized the way in which museums have obtained their relics and notes that she, too, will be discussing Akeley Hall of the elusive Second Floor of the American Museum of Natural History (AMNH). The following struck me, for some reason: "There is a tension here, perhaps a paradox, inherent in the museum as a whole, between common and strange." (Bal, 562) Bal goes on to say, "[This discourse] claims the truth to which the viewer is asked to submit, endorsing the willing suspension of disbelief that rules the power of fiction.[. . .] this is the equivalent of the 'once upon a time' formula, the discourse of realism setting the terms of the contract between viewer or reader and museum or storyteller." (Bal, 563,564) I was further intrigued by the way in which she addressed how the museum deals with the "transition from this cultured "nature" to culture as nature - from mammals to peoples" (Bal, 564) She exemplifies this transition in the Queen Maya Exhibit and it is here I went from piqued to enthralled. She comments that the Queen Maya Giving Birth to the Buddha from her Side exhibit, a small black-box exhibit between the Indian rhinoceros and the water buffalo, has a "specific transitional function" (Bal, 566) What does that mean? How can a small statue of Queen Maya, placed between two quadrupeds, serve as the transition between animalia and human?

How does the Queen Maya relic serve as and/or exemplify this difficult transition? How does the accompanying text indicate this role? How does this minor exhibit fulfill its role as diplomat? Is this intended as a conscious or unconscious transition? Is it effective?

"Tradition" from Traveling Concepts in the Humanities: A Rough Guide:

In this chapter, Bal discusses how traditions have shaped society and further, where they have come from and, now that their (sometimes unpleasant) origins have been uncovered, what do we do? Do we allow the traditions to continue uninhibited? Do we try and change them? How do we respond to the newly formed darkness that surrounds some of our most cherished traditions?

Why allow the tradition to continue? After noting the pain and confusion it inflicts, why perpetuate these acts? To what end?

Tuesday, April 15, 2008

Action on the Ave: Studying Environmental Behavior

       My research partner, Katherine, indulged me an adventure to the Ave - the affectionate nickname for University Way. Last Thursday evening from 7:00 - 7:30pm, as the sun faded beneath the flat gray blanket of clouds, we sat on the patio outside Starbucks, in the drizzle, camera and soon-to-be-soggy notepad in hand. We selected the Ave for several reasons: its busy nature, diverse population, and unique opportunity for interactions between individuals and their environment.
      The intersection we selected, NE 41st Street and University Way, houses several 'typically U-district' features: a Starbucks on the SW corner, Cafe on the Ave on the NW corner, a copy and print center on the NE and an Indian restaurant, Shalimar, on the SE. We observed in a removed, but not hidden, Zeiselian manner: we sat right outside the Starbucks entrance, notepad on the table, camera flashing, and documented our surroundings. On a more specific note, we conducted a 'continuous scan' for thirty minutes, documenting all of the behaviors on our impromptu ethogram. Certainly some perverse part of me was annoyed that no one approached us to inquire as to what we were doing: on the corner, beneath the portico, in the rain, taking pictures and notes on innocent pedestrians. 
       In any case, we noted individuals carrying umbrellas (even after it had stopped raining), individuals wearing Husky gear, with backpacks (or bags used to carry textbooks and notepads), using iPods and cell phones (texting versus speaking) and eating (while walking, not just escaping with takeout), smoking and, of course, a staple of a near-campus location: bicycles.  We noted, by tally, how often these (inter)actions occurred and have drawn several different conclusions. While perhaps half of the individuals walking the Ave were in not alone, more than half were 'plugged in' via cell phone or iPod, even though they were physically engaged with other individuals. We also noted that most of the traffic seemed to be composed of students (not an uncommon notion in an area so close to campus) but I was still somewhat surprised by the sheer volume of apparent students - not to mention those who were not as easily identifiable (visually) as 'STUDENT'. 
       Potential research questions: how do people interact with an intersection? What does this say about them/their relationships? How do people interact with each other in a movement-oriented public space such as this? Who uses the Ave? What are they doing there? Why? 
       My specific research interests lie in the public interactions between individuals, how people express themselves in public: through interactions with other individuals and the environment, and their physical appearance or even emotional 'appearance' via projection and body language. How I will carry this out in Amsterdam,  I do not yet know. 

Wednesday, April 9, 2008

'Submission' & 'Fitna': Islam in the Netherlands

This is an opinion piece. Kthnxbye.


     Submission: The film that started it all. An assuredly avant-garde endeavor, Theo Van Gogh blows open the issue of female oppression in Islamic culture. Van Gogh uses the camera as a character in itself; the camera is the object to which the women are speaking, in this case, they pleading to Allah. Garbed in faux-robes and veil, designed to preserve modesty in this case, provides just the opposite - all gauze and silk, her robes are translucent from neck to knee, she kneels - face covered by an opaque veil, only her piercing eyes locked on the lens. This short piece is an intimate intrusion into the private world of prayer, exploited to show the abuse, oppression and general mistreatment of Muslim women. It is intensely disturbing because it is personal; though we know absolutely nothing about this woman except that she is young and she is Muslim, we feel as if we know her; the way in which she presents these horrifying scenarios - stories of her past - is powerfully disturbing. Interestingly enough, despite your internal alarms blaring, there is no judgement made by Van Gogh or Ali; while there is this sense of pleading and want for change, it is only implied. The subtext, as I understand it, is that these women are so devoted to their religion that they, too, are in disbelief of these goings on and further, this is not a unique occurrence. Islam is not the only culture - religious or otherwise - in which these horrific events transpire, nor is it the only culture wherein these events are hidden away, thrust under the rug. 

     Fitna: Geert Wilders' response to Submission, released 27 March 2008 to Liveleak, but removed the 16 minute film from the site after reporting threats to their staff. It was reposted on 30 March 2008 after increasing security measures. This short film, in sharp contrast to Van Gogh's piece, is anything but artistic. It quotes the Qu'ran, shows media clips of the bloody and violent aftermath of extremist Islamic attacks around the world, and other clips from Muslim leaders supporting these equally violent quotations and proclaiming war on the world, death to all non-believers. Essentially a spiffed up slideshow, this short 'film' takes quotes out of context, shows violent connotative images, shown to incite an emotional response and disregard logic.  This film evokes a very intense emotional response, but it is not the least bit intellectual; it does not present any new information, merely highlights the actions of radical groups that are not the norm, are not the standard of behavior. The extremists ARE frightening, there is no denying that , but not every Muslim is an extremist and the way in which Wilder encourages the audience to 'overcome the Islamic threat' is much the same as the extremist leaders who want to eradicate non-believers. Where Submission attempts to promote awareness of an often hidden aspect of Islamic culture, something no one wants to admit to or claim ownership for, with the goal of changing something, of making progress - Fitna is no better than the extremists they are trying to destroy, advocating, essentially 'Destroy this extremists group! Listen to OUR extreme opinion!' They blame an entire culture for the actions of few; a very loud, frightening few, but few all the same. 

     To say the least, while I was impressed and disturbed by Submission, for its bold, yet somewhat subtle, attack on Muslim culture and the advocacy of women's rights; Fitna disgusts me and, in my opinion, is a contradiction in and of itself. 

Monday, April 7, 2008

God Made The World, But The Dutch Made Holland

"Historians are storytellers, as far as I'm concerned," Professor Ran Hennes remarked, by way of introduction and, perhaps, even persuasion to listen to his lecture on the history of Amsterdam and the Netherlands. For those of us who are geographically challenged, he smiled and provided a semi-topographical map of the Netherlands, Germany and Belgium. With a wink, he explained: "This green, waterlogged place in Northeastern Europe, that's Holland." 

"You see," he began, "1/4 of the country is below sea level, 1/4 is at sea level, and most of the citizens live in the West where they are face to face with the lapping waters of the North Sea." No wonder they wear wooden shoes - at least they would slog through the marsh and float through the wetlands... right? He goes on to describe the Dutch as "Merchants, pure and simple, no one mistook them for philosophers, these were hard-headed business men!" Throughout their colonial phase, the Dutch territories were not colonized to amass land or unite citizens, these lands were collected, invaded and occupied for profit. "At one time, the Dutch not only had the Netherlands but also what is now Belgium and Luxembourg. The Benaluxe states? Now you know!"